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According to Roberts: youth’s new condition led to a boom in youth research, mostly policy-oriented research, which was weak on theory but strong in counting and profiling those experiencing education, training, jobs and unemployment, then charting their next steps. (1997b: 62) In the 1980s, then, the study of youth transitions became the main preoccupation of youth sociology and the questionnaire surveying of cohorts of school-leavers, rather than ethnographic observation of subcultural groups, became the dominant methodology.
Cross-sectional surveys of poor people or of the unemployed are useless in either confirming or disconfirming this hypothesis’ (1990: 69). Showing, via incomplete surveys, that most of the poor and unemployed in general do not share underclass characteristics does not mean that some people in some places at some times might not evolve ‘underclass cultures’. If we are to engage properly with underclass theses, and to gather research material that might serve to answer fully its central questions, what is needed are studies which are able to explore in depth the values, activities and outlooks of the most likely members, in the most likely places and during the most likely periods in which underclass phenomena might emerge.
The time has come to turn our eyes away from the stylistic art of a few. (1982: 1) Empirical changes in the youth situation also motivated a shift away from cultural studies towards more ‘social problems’ oriented approaches (Griffin, 1993). From 1980 onwards – with the advent of Thatcherism, the ‘collapse’ of the youth labour market, soaring youth unemployment and the expansion of youth training schemes – the academic gaze settled Young People, Transitions and Social Change 29 on the changing structural situation of young people and the steps they took from school to work (or unemployment and schemes).