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By Gregory White

Examines how emerging fiscal integration with Europe affects Tunisia and Morocco.

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Morocco’s natural resource endowments, the larger size of its economy, and the interest of the palace to control the economy provided a shield against liberalizing external trade. There is little evidence that Moroccan policymakers sought to exploit closer ties with Europe, at least to the extent of their Tunisian counterparts. By the late 1970s, however, the contradictions in the Moroccan economy were profound. Analysts usually point to 1983 as the beginning of Morocco’s efforts to pursue structural adjustment.

44 Finally, Morocco’s large population received less education under the shorter French Protectorate than Tunisia. In addition, to a lesser degree than Bourguiba’s regime, the Moroccan government has not developed the educational resources of the country in the postindependence era. Insofar as it has, such development has also raised the expectations of the population. 45 In sum, the two countries possess different natural and human resources, complex outgrowths of colonial and postcolonial developments.

Ben Youssef, a southerner from the island of Djerba and an Arab nationalist, derived his support largely from urban merchants and lower classes, artisans, and religious authorities. United in their opposition to French colonialism as well as their support for the Algerian struggle, Bourguiba and Ben Youssef had been able to cooperate for some time. 21 The neo-Destour expelled Ben Youssef, and he went into exile. 22 Ben Youssef was assassinated in Frankfurt in 1961. 23 This is not to say that the embrace of socialism was inauthentic.

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