By Giuseppe Mazzini
This anthology gathers Giuseppe Mazzini's most vital essays on democracy, state development, and diplomacy, together with a few that experience by no means ahead of been translated into English. those ignored writings remind us why Mazzini was once some of the most influential political thinkers of the 19th century--and why there's nonetheless nice gain to be derived from a cautious research of what he needed to say. Mazzini (1805-1872) is better recognized at the present time because the inspirational chief of the Italian Risorgimento. yet, as this ebook demonstrates, he additionally made an important contribution to the improvement of recent democratic and liberal internationalist notion. in truth, Stefano Recchia and Nadia Urbinati make the case that Mazzini needs to be well-known because the founding determine of what has become referred to as liberal Wilsonianism.The writings amassed right here exhibit how Mazzini built a worldly concept of democratic kingdom building--one that illustrates why democracy can't be effectively imposed via army intervention from the skin. He additionally speculated, even more explicitly than Immanuel Kant, approximately how well known participation and self-rule inside self sufficient geographical regions may possibly lead to lasting peace between democracies. in brief, Mazzini believed that common aspirations towards human freedom, equality, and overseas peace may possibly top be discovered via self sustaining realms with homegrown democratic associations. He therefore estimated what one may well this day name a real cosmopolitanism of countries.
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Extra resources for A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini's Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations
82 Mazzini, “Extract from a Letter to Peter Taylor” , in Mazzini’s Letters to an En glish Family, 1855–1860, ed. E. F. Richards (London: John Lane, 1922), 236. 83 Mazzini, “The European Question: Foreign Intervention and National Self-Determi nation” , chapter 16 of this book, 195. 84 The similarity between Mazzini’s and Mill’s reasoning is again striking: “A people the most attached to freedom, the most capable of defending and making a good use of free institutions, may be unable to contend successfully for them against the military strength of another nation much more powerful.
Now, strictly speaking, of course, the liberty to which we aspire is not a principle, but rather that state in which a people can develop their own principle. Liberty is not itself an end, but rather a means to achieve it. The question, then, is: How can we achieve and organize the means, or even just fight openly for it, without actually knowing the end itself ? This extremely simple thought leads us to the central political question: How to coordinate the means toward a given end? Different ends require different means.
In Italy, as in every country aspiring toward a new life, there is a clash of opposing elements, of passions assuming a variety of forms, and of desires tending toward one sole aim, although through almost infinite modifications. There are many men in Italy who are full of indignant hatred of the foreigner, who shout for liberty simply because it is the foreigner who withholds it. There are others who have at heart the unification of Italy before anything else and would gladly unite her divided children under any strong will, whether of a native or foreign tyrant.