By John M. Sacher
Notwithstanding antebellum Louisiana shared the remainder of the South's dedication to slavery and cotton, the presence of a considerable sugarcane undefined, a wide Creole and Catholic inhabitants, a number of overseas and northern immigrants, and the titanic urban of recent Orleans made it probably the main unsouthern of southern states. but, Louisiana speedily joined its friends in seceding from the Union in early 1861. In an try to comprehend why, John M. Sacher deals the 1st finished research of the state's antebellum political events and their interplay with the citizens. it's a advanced, colourful tale, one lengthy past due to learn in its entirety.
From 1824 to 1861, Louisiana moved from a political procedure in response to character and ethnicity to a unique two-party method, with Democrats competing first opposed to Whigs, then understand Nothings, and eventually merely different Deomcrats. Sacher's fast moving narrative describes the ever-changing matters dealing with the events and explains how the presence of slavery formed the state's political panorama. He exhibits that even supposing civic participation extended past the elite, Louisiana remained a "white men's democracy."
The security of white men's liberty, Sacher contends, was once the typical thread working all through antebellum Louisiana, and certainly southern, politics. eventually, he argues, this obsession with protecting independence led Louisiana's politicians to hitch their southern brethren in seceding from the Union.
Sacher's welcome examine presents a clean, grass-roots viewpoint at the political reasons of the Civil conflict and confirms the dominant function neighborhood politics performed in antebellum Louisiana.
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Extra resources for A Perfect War of Politics: Parties, Politicians, and Democracy in Louisiana, 1824-1861
Fred Kniffen has written that it “originally applied to the Louisiana-born of European descent,” but since then it has lost its precision. Fred B. Kniffen, Louisiana: Its Land and People (Baton Rouge, 1968), 127. ” Bennett H. , 1997), 91. ” I concur with Joseph Tregle that “Creole” should not include any connotation of class, wealth, or sophistication. While Tregle is correct in asserting that the term can be used to portray a much broader group than my deﬁnition implies, I contend that my deﬁnition is and was a commonly accepted one.
LSJ, 1824–25, 3. “ Is He an Ad am s o r J ac ks on Ma n? ” 25 ised Livingston’s vacated congressional seat upon his elevation to the Senate. The American legislators, especially those from outside New Orleans, supported the Red River cotton planter Johnston. With Livingston garnering the city’s support and Johnston capturing the votes of the westerners, a struggle ensued over the votes of the Florida Parish legislators. To sway these members, Livingston alleged that Johnston had iniquitously snubbed the Florida Parishes on several measures in the legislature.
Robeson to Hamilton, February 6, April 20, 1830, Hamilton Papers, LLMVC; Lewis W. D. , University of Chicago, 1929); Joseph G. , “Political Reinforcement of Ethnic Dominance in Louisiana, 1812–1845,” in Lucius F. , 1972); Tregle, Louisiana in the Age of Jackson, 54–62. 12. 1821 census of voters in LHJ, 1822, 27–8. The 1829 list was never published, but a handwritten copy can be found in Hamilton Papers, LLMVC. “ Is He an Ad am s o r J ac ks on Ma n? ” In a separate incident, Porter asserted that in Opelousas, certain powerful men, particularly Jacques Dupre´, a ﬁxture in the legislature and Louisiana’s largest cattle rancher, “ﬁxed” local elections.